Philip Pilkington: Market Monetarism Or An Attempt to Speed Up the Decline in Real Wages
By Philip Pilkington, a writer and journalist based in Dublin, Ireland. You can follow him on Twitter at @pilkingtonphil
The so-called ‘market
monetarists’ – that is, a growing pack of neoclassical economists who are advocating that central banks should try to generate inflation – are not as strange a breed as many think. Recently we compared classic deflationary monetarism with contemporary QE policies and found that they were based on the same underlying theoretical framework. We also found that the high priest of classical monetarism himself, Milton Friedman, strongly advocated inflationary monetary policies for both Japan after 1991 and the US after the stock market crash of 1929. So, it is by no means surprising that when one monetarist policy fails (I refer to QE), another will quickly be cooked up by Friedman devotees.
That is precisely the role of the market monetarists in the current policy and economic debates. They have introduced the banal notion that central banks should no longer target inflation or unemployment but instead they should focus on Nominal Gross Domestic Product (NGDP) – that is, a measure of GDP that has not been adjusted for inflation. The idea is that the central banks should pump up non-inflation adjusted GDP until economic growth
begins once more.
The only thing that market monetarists are more vague on than how such inflation will translate into economic growth (money supply voodoo?) is how they will actually accomplish the NGDP targets. Sometimes they refer to devaluation, sometimes to inflationary expectations, sometimes to banks levying taxes on deposits, sometimes… wait for it… to more QE – indeed, one sometimes gets the impression that they are saying nothing new at all. However, we will not concern ourselves here with peering into their little black boxes. Instead we will focus on what might, in the unlikely event that they succeed in their policy goals, be the likely end result. But first a detour into the distribution of income in today’s US of A.
Recently Lance Roberts ran an excellent piece on corporate profitability and wages. He showed that while corporate profits are rising, real worker incomes are falling below trend. He provides the following graph to illustrate this:
Looking into this trend, Roberts notes that it is mainly due to changes in the structure of the US labour market. He is worth quoting in full in this regard:
The single biggest expense to any company is full-time employees: payroll, taxes and benefits. While the economy has grown since the depths of the last recession, demand has remained weak in terms of sales growth. The lack of demand has kept businesses on the defensive with a focus on maximizing profitability of each dollar of revenue. During the recession, and recovery, businesses have kept very tight controls on costs by reducing inventory levels, cutting budgets and maximizing productivity per employee. This has also led to massive changes in hiring and employment. Temporary hires (which have lower wages and no benefit costs) have substantially outpaced permanent employment since the end of the last recession. Since the first quarter of 2009, part-time employment has increased by more than 1.5 million while full-time employment is still lower by 1.25 million. The analysts and media have been quick to jump on the idea that temporary jobs will ultimately turn into full-time employment. However, in an economy that is growing at a sub-par rate with a large and available labor pool, the use of temporary versus full-time employment may well be the “new normal”. This also explains why dependence on “food stamps” have surged by over 14 million participants during the same period.
Roberts notes that this is a curious situation because falling real wages should impart a deflationary bias to the economy as a whole due to less people having money to spend on goods and services. Actually this situation is not so curious if we remember the Kalecki profits equation (which we dealt with in depth here). While there are a few iterations the Kalecki equation is best stated as such:
Pn = I + (G – T) + NX + Cp – Sw
Pn = total profits after tax. I = gross investment. G = government spending. T = total taxes. (So, G – T = the total government budget deficit). NX = net exports (total exports minus total imports). Cp = capitalists’ consumption. And Sw = total workers’ saving.
So, in English that equation reads as follows:
Profits – Tax = Gross Investment + Government Deficit + Net Exports + Capitalists’ Consumption – Workers’ Saving
Now, if we follow Roberts and assume that the labour market is being increasingly squeezed we can easily guess where all that extra demand is coming from. It is, of course, coming from two channels – the only two possible channels given the current macroeconomic picture of the US – that is: the government deficit and capitalist consumption (which can be read as: consumption out of previous profits). Of the two of these government deficits are by far the most important.
Indeed, James Montier from GMO [] has crunched the numbers and turned out evidence that confirms exactly what we would intuitively expect – namely that government deficits are the main drivers of profits in the post-2008 world:
Now that we’ve run through some structural distributionary features of the US economy, back to the market monetarists. What does all this mean? Well, it seems that although fiscal deficits by the US government are indeed propping up the economy and ensuring that those that have jobs can continue to remain employed, they are also covering up growing macroeconomic structural imbalances. Because there are such wide deficits and because these support corporate profits, companies have been able to suppress real wage growth and this has not significantly affected demand for their goods and services.
So, if the market monetarists had their way and provoked added inflation in the economy it is clear that this would not necessarily result in real wage growth to match said inflation. The labour market is extremely slack at the moment and, as Roberts has shown above, employers are using this opportunity to supress real wages below trend. If a burst of inflation shot through the system there seems no reason to assume that real wages could keep pace. Much more likely that they would fail to rise and living standards would fall. And as people needed to use more of their income to buy fewer, higher-priced goods and services this would also lead to lower economy-wide demand.
Indeed, such a policy might, if pursued with gusto, lead to a stagflation scenario where workers suffered unemployment on the one hand and falling living standards on the other. What a mess that would be… and, it should be said for those New Keynesians who tie their flag to this mast (you know who you are), it would make it all the more difficult to clear this disaster up with fiscal stimulus and other sensible policy measures as this might feed into the artificially generated inflation.
As we said though, it is unlikely that the market monetarists’ policies will be able to generate inflation even if they are implemented. The last time monetarist cranks got into power their policies were used to mask political aspirations that the general public would not have otherwise accepted. This time around, if the central bank chooses NGDP targeting as its new shaman’s stick – since the QE-wand has by now gone completely and comically floppy – they will likely just fall flat on their face. Where once monetarism was a grim mask worn by a disingenuous reaper intent on mass destruction, today it appears as nothing more than a cockscomb worn by an insecure fool trying desperately to convince the financial markets of his continuing relevance.




USA has more favourable demographics than most countries. It does have baby boomers but the growth spurt is not as pronounced as other countries such as Japan and even China.
USA hit peak private debt in 2007. Baby boomers are now trying to save/invest for retirement. USA is yet to hit peak savings. Savings end up increasing bank deposits that can feed government deficits. Investment becomes less attractive because there is reduced prospect of growth.
While baby boomers control the agenda they can make the most of their savings/investment. So it is beneficial for them to have companies making good profits at the expense of low wages for young people.
The Kalecki equation also brings in trade and with globalisation the boomers do not mind where the young workers are located. Right now USA has heavy reliance on the middle east for oil supplies and China for manufactured goods. The younger people in the USA are competing with these resources but with ever diminishing investment making them less competitive.
Demographics has a large influence on the structural problems. The structural impacts are predictable and Japan provides a good case study because its population is now in decline. It has already passed through peak private debt and is close to peak private savings. The notion that real GDP can always increase over the long run does not face the reality of declining as well as aging population.
Japan has the highest per capita net savings by a large margin for the G20 nations. So their aging population can look forward to good support from the rest of the world for many years to come. They are still running current account surpluses. The USA is not in such good shape. A significant factor though is that all its foreign debt is denominated in USD so it is beneficial for the US to inflate away this obligation. Ultimately inflation now will benefit the young. They cannot be obligated to support the aged in the USA, China, Japan and wealthier EU nations.
In The Evolution of Civilizations, the historian Carroll Quigley notes that when civilizations enter what he calls an “age of conflict,” that “some of the defenders of vested interests divert a certain part of their surplus to create…instruments of irrationality.” Phillip Pilkington fulfills that role to a “T”.
To begin with, Pilkington commits the most basic of errors in the manipulation of the Kalecki equation. He starts out with:
Pn = I + (G – T) + NX + Cp – Sw
Then Pilkington says G – T = the total government budget deficit.
So, if we substitute “the total government budget deficit” for G-T, what we come up with is
Pn = I + the total government budget deficit + NX + Cp – Sw
We do not come up with what Pilkington came up with:
Profits – Tax = Gross Investment + Government Deficit + Net Exports + Capitalists’ Consumption – Workers’ Saving
which seems to be more of a mathematical iteration of the Tea Party’s anti-tax ideology than anything else.
So the very first thing we have to do is to correct Pilkington’s math, so what we get is this:
Profits= Gross Investment + Government Deficit + Net Exports + Capitalists’ Consumption – Workers’ Saving
The expression of this equation that is most reflective of the history of the last 30 years is this:
Profits + Workers’ Saving= Gross Investment + Government Deficit + Net Exports + Capitalists’ Consumption
In other words, all else being equal, if Profits go up, then Workers’ Saving must go down. And this is very clearly borne out by what has happened over the past thirty-something years:
“Corporate Profits Just Hit An All-Time High, Wages Just Hit An All-Time Low”
http://www.businessinsider.com/corporate-profits-just-hit-an-all-time-high-wages-just-hit-an-all-time-low-2012-6#ixzz217J3RRe0
“Germany tops world for shrinking wages”:
If we want to speak of demand, then I would argue that, given the options available from the Kalecki equation, that three things in the equation contribute to demand:
1. Capitalists’ consumption
2. Government spending
3. Gross investment
So if we solve the Kalecki equation for these three things which create demand, we come up with the following:
Gross Investment + Government Spending + Capitalists’ Consumption = Profits + Workers’ Saving + Total Taxes – Net Exports
Ah ha! This seems to be a mathematical confirmation of what Michael Hudson has been arguing all along (which is in direct contradiction to what the supply-siders and “conservative Republican tax-cut Keynesians,” as Kevin Phillips dubbed them, have been saying), and that is if demand is to increase, then it would be most helpful if taxes also increased:
http://michael-hudson.com/2012/05/paul-krugmans-economic-blinders/
And raising taxes was exactly what the Roosevelt administration did during the Great Depression when Keynes’ influence was at its apogee:
“Present Law And Historical Overview Of The Federal Tax System”
The Joint Committee on Taxation, Congress of the United States
https://www.jct.gov/publications.html?func=startdown&id=3719
But then we have to take a look at Pilkington’s starting point, the Kalecki equation itself. Is it complete, in that it offers a representation of all that is going on? Or is it lacking certain key factors so that what it gives us is a partial truth, an incomplete truth?
I think some of the dissident schools of economic thought, like the Post-Keynesian, would argue the latter. Most importantly, what is missing is any allowance for the role that private banks play in creating demand when they create money, or on the flip side the role they play in destroying demand when they destroy money.
Next Pilkington makes the following statement, which also gives me pause because it seems to distort the very purpose of an inflationary monetary policy and sets up a straw man:
Devaluation (monetary policy) was a key part of the anti-Depression strategy of the Roosevelt administration. Roosevelt carried through on the bank bailouts that Hoover had begun. As Frederick Lewis Allen explains in Since Yesterday:
But I don’t think the Roosevelt administration ever for a moment believed that monetary policy or the markets would correct the maldistribution of resources that was pronounced in society at the time. That was the job of redistributive fiscal policy and regulatory policy (labor laws) that created a level playing field for labor. As Allen goes on to explain:
Allen goes on to recount the history and explosive growth of labor organizing as a result of the New Deal labor laws. The sit-down strike was undoubtedly the innovation that played the greatest role in enhancing the bargaining power of the unions.
All this has now been cast asunder by the rise of “transnational capital” and a “transnational capitalist class” which has brought about the rise of the “transnational state.” Its laws and policies advance the interests of the transnational capital class and its allies over nationally oriented groups among the elite, not to mention over workers and the poor. (William I. Robinson, “Critical Globalization Studies 16007,” which is available on the internet)
@ Glenn Stehle
What on earth are you talking about? We are looking for profits net of tax in a given period. Profits are ‘generated’ by the right hand side of the equation. Call the right hand side Period 1. But the profits are then immediately taxed. These taxed profits will then feed into the right hand side of the equation in Period 2. (Or whatever).
I’ve got Kalecki’s “Theory of Economic Dynamics” open in front of me and he uses the equation in the exact same way. I’m not going to type up the quote, but here’s Professor Mitchell saying the same thing:
http://bilbo.economicoutlook.net/blog/?p=12003
“We can solve this for Gross Profits after tax (Pn) to get:
Pn = I + (G – T) + NX + Cp + Vn – Sw – Vn
So:
Pn = I + (G – T) + NX + Cp – Sw
which says in English, that gross profits after tax (Pn) equals gross investment (I), plus the budget deficit (G – T), plus the export surplus (NX), plus capitalists’ consumption (Cp) minus workers’ saving (Sw).”
Now, either I’m wrong, Kalecki himself is wrong, Bill Mitchell is wrong and every single Kaleckian economist I’ve ever encountered is wrong. Or you’re wrong. Personally, I’ll stick with Kalecki.
I don’t think you actually made any arguments against market monetarism. Market monetarism doesn’t necessarily argue against inflation targeting or unemployment, in fact price level targeting is an alternative to ngdp targeting and addressing unemployment is the whole point. Instead, market monetarists don’t agree with interest rate targeting given that interest rates can be misleading, i.e. low interests rates do not necessarily indicate loose monetary policy.
“Indeed, such a policy might, if pursued with gusto, lead to a stagflation scenario where workers suffered unemployment on the one hand and falling living standards on the other.” It seems here as though you think that due to structural issues, the natural rate of unemployment is higher than what most economists think. If that is so, then you still are not addressing any of the points of market monetarism. Currently the unemployment rate in the U.S. is officially 8%, and it is much higher if you count those not in the labor force, and I think it is fair to assume that there is a gap between potential output and actual output which means there is room for inflation.
Further, “As we said though, it is unlikely that the market monetarists’ policies will be able to generate inflation even if they are implemented.” All it takes is single announcement to anchor inflation expectations. Inflation expectations translate into actual inflation instantly.
pilkingtonphil said:
I think that anyone who has the ability to do junior high-school level math or above knows exactly what I’m talking about.