DebtWatch No 21 April 2008

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At Last, the 1975 Show?

My main top­ic this month is a com­par­i­son of the eco­nom­ic events of today to those of 1973–75, but the most recent Case-Shiller data on US house prices sim­ply has to be “the Chart of the Month”. Last *month* the index dropped by 2.3 percent–implying an annu­al rate of decline in the realm of 25%! US house prices are down 13% from the peak in mid-2006, and in free-fall now.

Meanwhile, back in the 1970s…

In late 1972, Whit­lam’s Labor defeat­ed the McMa­hon’s Lib­er­als, and embarked on an ambi­tious pro­gram of social reform. Two years lat­er, the econ­o­my had gone to hell in a hand­bas­ket. Infla­tion tripled from under 5 to over 15 per­cent, unem­ploy­ment dou­bled from under 2 to over 4 per­cent, and Labor’s rep­u­ta­tion as an eco­nom­ic man­ag­er was ruined. Labor was slaugh­tered at the 1975 elec­tion, and “stagfla­tion” was the para­mount rea­son for its defeat.

In late 2007, Rud­d’s Labor defeat­ed Howard’s Lib­er­als, and embarked on an ambi­tious pro­gram of social reform. Two years lat­er…


Will 1975 make a come­back? Some com­men­ta­tors see omi­nous signs, with a boom­ing econ­o­my and ris­ing infla­tion: will “stagfla­tion” once again kill a Labor gov­ern­ment? Clear­ly the Rudd Labor Gov­ern­ment is deter­mined to avoid this fate. A sym­bol­ic freez­ing of MPs’ salaries was its sec­ond pol­i­cy ini­tia­tive after the open­ing of Par­lia­ment, while vir­tu­al­ly every state­ment by Trea­sur­er Swan empha­sis­es fight­ing infla­tion.

How­ev­er, iden­ti­fy­ing stagfla­tion as the vil­lian in 1975 may be a mis­take. The real cul­prit was some­thing entire­ly dif­fer­ent, but strange­ly famil­iar: the col­lapse of a debt-dri­ven boom.

In 1972, the rate of growth of debt accel­er­at­ed as a spec­u­la­tive boom (main­ly in shares) took hold, and just two years lat­er, the debt to GDP ratio had increased by almost a third. Unem­ploy­ment, which had dropped from 2.5 to 1.7 per­cent as the boom accel­er­at­ed, sud­den­ly turned around, hit­ting 4.75 by the time Whit­lam was turfed out of office.

The boom itself was short-lived, and in the con­text of an over­all bear mar­ket since the Posei­don bub­ble of 1970. But it was fol­lowed by one hell of a slump, with share prices tum­bling almost 60% in two years.

The engine behind the boom and its sub­se­quent bust was the accel­er­a­tion, and then sud­den decel­er­a­tion, in the rate of growth of debt. Aggre­gate spend­ing in the econ­o­my is the sum of GDP plus the change in debt. With the boom of 1972–73, the change in debt went from pro­vid­ing under 3 per­cent to over 10 per­cent of demand.

Then the boom end­ed, debt went into reverse, and demand fell well below its pre­vi­ous peak.

The col­lapse in debt gave us the “stag” in stagfla­tion. The “fla­tion” com­po­nent came from a wages push in a tru­ly ful­ly employed econ­o­my (that 1.75 per­cent unem­ploy­ment rate should put the recent cel­e­bra­tion of “a 33 year low in unem­ploy­ment” in per­spec­tive), and OPEC’s oil embar­go and price ris­es from Octo­ber ’73 to March ’74. If the surge in infla­tion had­n’t hap­pened, then the down­turn caused by the col­lapse in debt may well have been worse.

The same sto­ry played itself out again in 1990 when “the reces­sion we had to have” hit our shores. This time, there was no pre-exist­ing infla­tion­ary surge, and infla­tion fell dras­ti­cal­ly as the econ­o­my went into reces­sion. So the infla­tion-unem­ploy­ment sto­ry was very dif­fer­ent to 1975.

The debt-unem­ploy­ment dynam­ics, on the oth­er hand, played to the same tune. The 1980s share and com­mer­cial prop­er­ty bub­bles were debt-financed, and as debt lev­els accel­er­at­ed from 54 to 85 per­cent of GDP (a rise of almost 60%) unem­ploy­ment plunged from 9.5 to 5.6 per­cent.

Then the rate of growth of debt decelerated–as the bub­ble in com­mer­cial prop­er­ty became obvi­ous­ly ridicu­lous, and the RBA’s dra­mat­ic increase in rates final­ly bit–and the econ­o­my went into its deep­est reces­sion since WWII.

The 1990s down­turn was more severe than the 1970s and main­ly because debt was so much more impor­tant. Debt’s con­tri­bu­tion to demand in the 1980s bub­ble peaked at 14 percent–compared to 10 per­cent dur­ing the 1970s. Its min­i­mum was actu­al­ly neg­a­tive (-1.5%) as cor­po­rate Aus­tralia dras­ti­cal­ly cut its debt levels–in part, delib­er­ate­ly and in part under duress.

So what about today? We haven’t had a bust–yet. And by con­ven­tion­al mea­sures, we have had “the longest eco­nom­ic expan­sion in Aus­trali­a’s post-War his­to­ry”. Unem­ploy­ment has fall­en from 11 to 4 per­cent, while infla­tion has been qui­es­cent, at nor­mal­ly under 3 per­cent.

And behind this appar­ent suc­cess, once more, has lurked a debt bubble–the biggest in our his­to­ry (and I’m talk­ing since Cap­tain Cook). The debt to GDP ratio bot­tomed out at 79 per­cent in mid-1993, and began a climb that is tru­ly “the longest expan­sion in pri­vate debt in Aus­trali­a’s record­ed his­to­ry”. When the “recov­ery” from the 1990s reces­sion began, the debt to GDP ratio had fall­en to 79 per­cent; it has since more than dou­bled to 164 per­cent. This, more so than Chi­na, has giv­en us the appar­ent but illu­so­ry eco­nom­ic suc­cess of the last fif­teen years.

Today, the annu­al increase in debt is respon­si­ble for almost 20 per­cent of aggre­gate spend­ing in our econ­o­my. We have tru­ly become addict­ed to debt.

The dan­ger is that, if–when–the rise in debt comes to an end, so too will our appar­ent eco­nom­ic pros­per­i­ty. As the 1990s col­lapse showed, debt can quick­ly go from mak­ing a pos­i­tive con­tri­bu­tion to demand to a decid­ed­ly neg­a­tive one. Giv­en that we have become so much more depen­dent on ris­ing debt to fuel demand, the scale of the turn­around, when it comes, could dwarf 1990.

The secret to avoid­ing such prob­lems, of course, is to devel­op “ a ‘good finan­cial soci­ety’ in which the ten­den­cy by busi­ness­es and bankers to engage in spec­u­la­tive finance is con­strained” –to quote Hyman Min­sky from over 30 years ago. But we did­n’t do that, and at some stage, we must cope with the con­se­quences.

When that day of reck­on­ing arrives, one thing that won’t make things bet­ter is keep­ing the rate of infla­tion low. The high infla­tion of the 1970s is one fac­tor that made that down­turn less extreme than it could oth­er­wise have been; and the low­er infla­tion (and almost defla­tion) of the 1990s extend­ed that reces­sion.

Jour­nal­ists with long mem­o­ries may remem­ber War­wick Fair­fax lament­ing that the low infla­tion of that time made his woes worse. If infla­tion had been high­er, he could have put up the cov­er price of the Syd­ney Morn­ing Her­ald and per­haps avoid­ed bank­rupt­ing the fam­i­ly firm.

With infla­tion now even low­er than it was when the ’90s bub­ble burst, the real future dan­ger is not ris­ing prices, but the pos­si­bil­i­ty of defla­tion.

END OF COMMENTARY

But as Steve Jobs some­times says, “there’s just one more thing”. The next two charts (which appear at the end of the PDF for this mon­th’s Debt­watch) show the nom­i­nal and real debt bur­den on the economy–i.e. nom­i­nal (before infla­tion) inter­est pay­ments as a per­cent­age of GDP, and real (after deduct­ing the rate of infla­tion) inter­est pay­ments.

The nom­i­nal bur­den is edg­ing ever clos­er to the max­i­mum in recent times: in 1990, when aver­age inter­est rates were just under 20%, debt was about 80% of GDP, and inter­est pay­ments rep­re­sent­ed 16.7% of GDP. The increase in rates and the ever-present trend to ris­ing debt lev­els will, it seems, lead us to cross­ing that nom­i­nal thresh­old some­time this year.

How­ev­er, when we adjust for the impact of infla­tion, the 1990 debt repay­ment peak gives way to 1891 and 1931, when falling prices–deflation–drove the real bur­den of debt up to 19% and 12.5% of GDP respec­tive­ly.

We’ve already passed the 1990s lev­el of the real (infla­tion-adjust­ed) debt bur­den on the econ­o­my; but notice how the recent rise in infla­tion has actu­al­ly reduced the real bur­den of debt recently–even though nom­i­nal rates have increased sub­stan­tial­ly.

Nonethe­less, the real bur­den of debt on the econ­o­my is now in the realms of the 1890s and the 1930s, when both debt lev­els and nom­i­nal rates of inter­est were much low­er than today, but the bur­den was ampli­fied by falling prices–defla­tion. We are in that same ball­park, even with infla­tion. The rea­son I am con­cerned about the RBA and the Gov­ern­men­t’s obses­sion with keep­ing infla­tion low is that we could pos­si­bly be tripped into defla­tion when the econ­o­my tanks. Then the real bur­den on the econ­o­my would skyrocket–and we would enter a true debt-defla­tion.

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About Steve Keen

I am Professor of Economics and Head of Economics, History and Politics at Kingston University London, and a long time critic of conventional economic thought. As well as attacking mainstream thought in Debunking Economics, I am also developing an alternative dynamic approach to economic modelling. The key issue I am tackling here is the prospect for a debt-deflation on the back of the enormous private debts accumulated globally, and our very low rate of inflation.