Replacing ‘Rational Economic Person’: Networks, Behaviour and Policy in the 21st Century

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This is the first of two guest pieces by Paul Ormerod, the author of “Pos­i­tive Link­ing” (Ama­zon USA; Ama­zon UK) and sev­er­al oth­er impor­tant books on non-equi­lib­ri­um eco­nom­ics.

Paul and I have been research col­leagues and friends for over a decade now, and I regard him as the fore­most expo­nent of mul­ti-agent and net­work eco­nom­ics today. As reg­u­lar read­ers will know, I pre­fer a “tops down” approach to eco­nom­ics over the mul­ti-agent approach, main­ly because the phe­nom­e­non of emer­gence is a sig­nif­i­cant con­cep­tu­al bar­ri­er between the “macro” sys­tems we wish to describe and the “micro” behav­iour of the indi­vid­ual enti­ties that com­prise the sys­tem. Paul has a flair for being able to devel­op mod­els that pen­e­trate that bar­ri­er suc­cess­ful­ly. I par­tic­u­lar­ly like the mod­el in this paper on com­pe­ti­tion and mar­ket struc­ture, and I use it in my own lec­tures as an exam­ple of how com­pe­ti­tion should be mod­elled by econ­o­mists, in con­trast to the Neo­clas­si­cal myths of per­fect & imper­fect com­pe­ti­tion and oli­gop­oly.

Over to Paul…

Mod­ern eco­nom­ic the­o­ry was first set out on a for­mal basis in the late nine­teenth cen­tu­ry. There have cer­tain­ly been devel­op­ments since then, but at heart the basic view in eco­nom­ics of how the world oper­ates remains the same. Eco­nom­ics is essen­tial­ly a the­o­ry of how deci­sions are made by indi­vid­u­als, of what infor­ma­tion is gath­ered and how it is used by the deci­sion mak­er.

All sci­en­tif­ic the­o­ries, even quan­tum physics, are approx­i­ma­tions to real­i­ty. The­o­ries involve mak­ing assump­tions, sim­pli­fi­ca­tions, to enable us to under­stand prob­lems bet­ter. A key fea­ture of a good the­o­ry is that its assump­tions are a rea­son­able descrip­tion of the real world.

In the ear­ly twen­ty-first cen­tu­ry, just as it did in the late nine­teenth, eco­nom­ics in gen­er­al makes the assump­tion that indi­vid­u­als oper­ate autonomous­ly, iso­lat­ed from the direct influ­ences of oth­ers. A per­son has a fixed set of tastes and pref­er­ences. When choos­ing amongst a set of alter­na­tives, he or she com­pares the attrib­ut­es of these alter­na­tives and selects the one which most close­ly cor­re­sponds to his or her pref­er­ences.

This view of the world dom­i­nates both social and eco­nom­ic pol­i­cy mak­ing.

At first sight, this may seem quite rea­son­able, indeed even ‘ratio­nal’, as econ­o­mists choose to describe this the­o­ry of behav­iour. But there is a seri­ous prob­lem with the assump­tion that indi­vid­u­als oper­ate in iso­la­tion from each oth­er, that their pref­er­ences are not affect­ed direct­ly by the deci­sions of oth­ers.

The social and eco­nom­ic worlds of the twen­ty-first cen­tu­ry are sim­ply not like this at all. We are far more aware than ever before of the choic­es, deci­sions, behav­iours and opin­ions of oth­er peo­ple. In 1900, not much more than 10 per cent of the world’s pop­u­la­tion lived in cities. Now, for the first time in human his­to­ry, more than half of us live in cities, in close, every­day prox­im­i­ty to large num­bers of oth­er peo­ple. In the last decade or so, the inter­net has rev­o­lu­tionised com­mu­ni­ca­tions in a man­ner not expe­ri­enced since the inven­tion of the print­ing press in the mid-fif­teenth cen­tu­ry.

The assump­tion that peo­ple make choic­es in iso­la­tion, that they do not adopt dif­fer­ent tastes or opin­ions sim­ply because oth­er peo­ple have them, is no longer sus­tain­able. Per­haps – per­haps, and it is a big ‘per­haps’ – over a hun­dred years ago this might not have been a bad assump­tion to make. But no longer.

The choic­es peo­ple make, their atti­tudes, their opin­ions, are influ­enced direct­ly by oth­er peo­ple. The medi­um via which this influ­ence spreads is the social net­work. Often, social net­works are thought of as pure­ly a web-based phe­nom­e­non: sites such as Face­book. These can indeed influ­ence behav­iour. But it is real-life social net­works – fam­i­ly, friends, col­leagues – that are even more impor­tant in help­ing us shape our pref­er­ences and beliefs, what we like and what we do not like.

Net­work effects, the fact that a per­son can and often does decide to change his or her pref­er­ences sim­ply on the basis of what oth­ers do, per­vade the mod­ern world. Through­out his­to­ry, a cru­cial fea­ture of human behav­iour has been our propen­si­ty to copy or imi­tate the behav­iours, choic­es, opin­ions of oth­ers. We can see it in the fash­ions in pot­tery in the Mid­dle East­ern Hit­tite Empire of three and a half mil­len­nia ago. And we can see it today in the behav­iour of traders on finan­cial mar­kets, where the propen­si­ty to fol­low the herd can lead all too eas­i­ly to the booms and crash­es we have late­ly expe­ri­enced. Sci­en­tists such as Robin Dun­bar have argued that our anom­alous­ly large brain (com­pared to oth­er mam­mals) evolved pre­cise­ly because, from an evo­lu­tion­ary per­spec­tive, copy­ing is a very suc­cess­ful strat­e­gy to fol­low.

This con­cept is just as cru­cial for com­pa­nies and mar­kets as it is for peo­ple. In Sep­tem­ber 2008 Lehman Broth­ers went bank­rupt, pre­cip­i­tat­ing a cri­sis which almost led to a total col­lapse of the world econ­o­my and a repeat of the Great Depres­sion of the 1930s. It was pre­cise­ly because Lehman was con­nect­ed via a net­work to oth­er banks that made the sit­u­a­tion so seri­ous. Lehman’s fail­ure could eas­i­ly have led to a cas­cade of bank­rupt­cies across the world finan­cial net­work, first in those insti­tu­tions to which Lehman owed mon­ey, then spread­ing wider and wider from these across the entire net­work. Incred­i­bly, nei­ther the sys­tems of finan­cial reg­u­la­tions which were in place, nor the think­ing of main­stream eco­nom­ics which influ­enced pol­i­cy so strong­ly, took any account of the pos­si­bil­i­ty of such a net­work effect.

A world in which net­work effects are a dri­ving force of behav­iour is com­plete­ly dif­fer­ent from the world of con­ven­tion­al eco­nom­ics, in which iso­lat­ed indi­vid­u­als care­ful­ly weigh up the costs and ben­e­fits of any par­tic­u­lar course of action. A world in which net­work effects are impor­tant is a much more real­is­tic descrip­tion of the human social and eco­nom­ic real­i­ties which exist in the twen­ty-first cen­tu­ry. It is the impli­ca­tions of this world which I explore in my book.

Incen­tives have not dis­ap­peared as a dri­ver of human behav­iour. This is the world which eco­nom­ic the­o­ry describes. It is not wrong. But it is often mis­lead­ing, for it offers only a very par­tial account of how deci­sions are made in real­i­ty. Net­work effects can be far more pow­er­ful than incen­tives lead­ing to out­comes com­plete­ly dif­fer­ent from those intend­ed by pol­i­cy mak­ers.

We need a new basic build­ing block of agent behav­iour, based on the fact that agents, whether indi­vid­u­als, com­pa­nies or gov­ern­ment, have behav­iour which is nit fixed, but which evolves. And it evolves by observ­ing what oth­ers do.

Net­work effects require pol­i­cy mak­ers, whether in the pub­lic or cor­po­rate spheres, to change rad­i­cal­ly their view of how the world oper­ates. In part, they make pol­i­cy much hard­er to imple­ment suc­cess­ful­ly, and they help explain many of the fail­ures of poli­cies based on the assump­tion that incen­tives and not net­work effects are the key dri­vers of behav­iour.

But they open up the pos­si­bil­i­ty of much more effec­tive and suc­cess­ful poli­cies, ones which har­ness our knowl­edge of net­work effects and how they work in prac­tice. Hence the main title of this book: Pos­i­tive Link­ing.

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About Steve Keen

I am Professor of Economics and Head of Economics, History and Politics at Kingston University London, and a long time critic of conventional economic thought. As well as attacking mainstream thought in Debunking Economics, I am also developing an alternative dynamic approach to economic modelling. The key issue I am tackling here is the prospect for a debt-deflation on the back of the enormous private debts accumulated globally, and our very low rate of inflation.