More competition or less debt?
As usual, I’ll be putting an argument that is contrary to popular opinion on the need for more competition I the banking sector. So to clarify the issue, here’s a quick poll: who thinks that Australia doesn’t have enough debt?
Nobody? OK, now let’s discuss the “need” for more competition in the banking sector.
The raging debate is missing the point–Hockey and the Coalition are right to go after the banks, but they’ve made a mistake in suggesting that the sector’s ills would be cured by more competition. In fact, we allowed too much competition in the 1980s, and again in the 1990s. The outcome, both times, was too much debt—firstly for businesses, and then for households. That’s the sector’s real problem, and adding a third dose of competition won’t fix it.
One of Paul Keating’s monumental ‘achievements’ when he was playing the role of the ‘world’s greatest Treasurer’ was to let virtually unlimited competition into Australia in the form of foreign banks. The initial proposal was to let four in, but Keating’s ‘triumph’ was to successfully argue to allow sixteen to set up shop here. I thought nobody would forget what happened next, but since competition is once again being suggested as a panacea, maybe everyone has forgotten. Cut-throat competition for market share poured money into the hands of Ponzi merchants like Alan Bond and Christopher Skase. That “Bondy” went bust trying to sell beer to Queenslanders just about says it all about the people willing to lend him money.
The end of that era of excess saw most of the foreign banking capacity in Australia collapse, leaving the market pretty much in the hands of the Big Four – not forgetting that one of the them, Westpac, came close to making it the ‘big three’ when it too nearly collapsed in 1992 with a then record $1.6 billion loss.
After the collapse of Bond Corp, Qintex and others, Australia had virtually nothing to show for it beyond a string of expensive hotels along our shorelines and a mountain of business debt—the unwinding of which gave us “the recession we had to have”. The Business sector, which had gone from a debt ratio of 22% to 55% in just over a decade, began to rapidly delever to 40% of GDP by the mid-1990s.

But that is starting to look like ancient history. The contemporary debate on banks is squarely focused on mortgage lending which, we are told, is uncompetitive.
Give me a break. After the Wallis Inquiry in 1996, non-bank lenders were set free by their new ability to raise funds through the securitisation market. Aussie John Symonds and a throng of others began cutting margins on home loans to build volume, starting a race to the bottom that the banks, to a large extent, were forced to join.
Back when “the recession we had to have” began, mortgage debt was a mere 17% of GDP. It began to rise right from that time—even though unemployment was exploding from under 6 to over 11 percent—and kept on rising to its pre-First Home Vendors Boost (FHVB) peak of 81% of GDP. Courtesy of the FHVB, it rose again to again to 87%, from where it is now falling.

A large reason for this blowout was the competition for market share driven by the growth of the non-bank securitized lenders like Aussie Home Loans, Wizard, etc.
I made a submission to the Wallis Committee in 1996, and walked away stunned when they told me that one of their key recommendations would be to allow securitized lenders into the Australian market. Shocked at how blithely the Committee was considering this, I wrote a supplementary letter to it the next day (July 12 1996), which in part stated that:
The securitisation of debt documents such as residential mortgages does not alter the key issue, which is the ability of borrowers to commit themselves to debt on the basis of “euphoric” expectations during an asset price boom. The ability of such borrowers to repay their debt is dependent upon the maintenance of the boom…
Should a substantial proportion of eligible assets (e.g., residential houses during a real estate boom like that of 87-89) be financed by securitised instruments, the inability of borrowers to pay their debts on a large scale… will be felt by those who purchased the securities, or by insurance firms who underwrote the repayment…
there would obviously be a collapse in the tradeable price, and, potentially, the bankrupting of many of the investors…
Of course, my warnings were ignored in the general euphoria for “more competition”, and the rest is history: lending standards dropped as the old and new competitors fought it out for market share, debt to households ballooned, the bust in lending arrived, the securitizers failed and these new competitors were taken over by the big Four once more.
Yet here we are again with people arguing that more competition will improve things. The numbers from the past decade and a half tell a completely different story. Even if you accept the general economics mantra that more competition is always good thing in product markets—which I don’t—the usual basis for that is the belief that more competition will mean higher output at lower prices. But the output of the banking sector is debt-based money: we may want debt to have a lower price, but do we really want more debt?
Be careful also about wanting a lower price—in terms of the margin between the RBA’s base rate and the variable mortgage rate. One way price can be driven down in competition is by offering a lower quality product, and that’s certainly what happened as competition in the post-Wallis Committee era. Lenders replaced careful valuations with drive-by checks to see that there was a building on the block, and careful assessment of capacity to pay with “liar loans” and 30-minute online loan applications (see page 34 of this report by the Home loan lending practices and processes House of Representatives hearing back in 2007):
CHAIR—We will ask Mr Warner for a comment on that. Also we would be interested in knowing is there an issue with the valuations of properties.
Mr WARNER: … We do not have valuers going out doing asset tests on all loans that are undertaken by financial institutions. Some banks get their own either ex-managers to drive by to see if the actual house exists or we have a lower form of valuation being undertaken.
These days it is getting to the point where you actually have the valuer who would not actually even see if the house or asset existed in the first place. You have a drive-by which is at best a cursory glance to see if there is a property on the lot that has been purchased.
With lower quality valuations and many other cost cutting measures like this, the interest rate margin dropped. RBA figures show that headline variable mortgage rates which in the 1980s had been 400 basis points over the RBA cash rate, came down to less than 200bps through the period 2000 to 2008.

So the big paradox for the dominant “we need more competition” argument in the current debate is why, if the banks have lent on much tighter margins, are they so profitable? The answer is to be found the rising volumes of credit extended from the mid-1990s to the present.
Lending volumes are now 400 per cent of what they were in 1992. That would make sense if the economy and population had increased in equal measure, but they have not. The banks kept lending through the GFC, and Australian homebuyers kept up their frenzy of borrowing until March of this year, when the mortgage debt to GDP ratio peaked at 87 per cent. That figure is now coming down as householders deleverage.

You might think that the banks should turn next to business lending, where there have been valid complaints that money for working capital needs is too hard to obtain. However this is add odds with the aggregate lending data for business – it peaked at 63 per cent of GDP in 2008, and has been coming down quicker than homelending.
This is why Joe Hockey’s attack on the lack of competition is flawed—what we need is not more lending but less, and not a lower price but a higher quality. This is where both the opposition and government should be looking. Instead, Treasurer Wayne Swan is trying to kick along more lending by buying up RMBS issues, thereby playing the game both the banks and the non-banks want – to keep volumes growing.

Further cut throat completion to grow volumes would be madness—we are saturated with housing debt and the long delayed deleveraging cycle will go on, whatever Wayne Swan does to give it a boost.

What we need are methods to regulate the volumes of debt offered by the banks to stop this happening again, without putting upward pressure on the cost of households have to pay for it. That may sound like an economic impossibility, and it would be if “free competition” between banks were expanded.
In fact there is nothing ‘free market’ about banking in the first place. Our big four banks are raising covering their shortfall between loans and deposits by borrowing vast sums abroad—equivalent to 40 per cent of mortgages in Australia—exposing the economy to future credit shocks, and all on the back of actual, and implied deposit guarantees provided willingly by the government.
That is massive regulation of a positive kind for banks. It’s time to balance that with some less positive regulation—policies that regulate and control the volumes these state-underwritten entities can lend.


Just saw an old clip of Van Jones online. He was Obama’s “green czar” until he got sacked.
His point was spending more to develop the enviromental sector will pay off in various ways (jobs, create new competition in many sectors, it’s the right thing to do and so on).
But in a 30 minute speech not once did he talk about national debt. How is all of this possible with unchecked reckless borrowing? Just saying the obvious “Obama sucks” isn’t exactly in-depth analysis.
What are the economic factors dragging the States down?:
Two illegal and immoral wars that the majority of the population don’t support.
Letting infrastructure totally fall apart.
25 states are almost in receivership.
Still no national health care (the biggest factor that killed the car industry)
Now, from a purely investor perspective, why would you consider buying Stateside debt?:
The govt. is wreckless
The potential yield is essentially o%
Key corporations, their CEO’s and the business MSM continue to ignore reality
There are only two things. Either (1) it’s a place to dump your dollars while they’re still worth something. Or (2)it’s a way to cut the arrogant Americans down to size.
Are there limits on how much foreigners can buy in Australian bonds?
“if they try and raise rates they will fail as the economy goes south”
so they will try again – even harder – as There Is No Alternative in their minds.
Yeah its increased at triple or double the GDP growth rate.
@ soho44 says: November 11, 2010 at 11:12 am
“What are the economic factors dragging the States down?”
Simply put and imo:
It is the necessary ‘socio-economic’ fundamentals that are the main factors that are bringing the US down; those which are entrenched in the respect for the Law of the Land (lex terrae) and framed as Constitutional Tenets.
It is fact that Contract Law, Private Property Rights, and expressed Justice, grants the essential structure for mathematically valid but overlying “economics” and its computed integrities, within the capitalism models in Western Nations, which includes the USA. And, where Regulations within Acts of Law, include procedural mandatory documentation and witness of Title transfer.
Home Ownership* has essentially become a Right^, then it has also become a utility, which includes then and now, its integrity under lex terrae. IOW, a clear and distinct fundamental of the underlying socio-economic foundation upon which ‘economics’ at play rests dependently. I posit that there is a necessary separation between “economics” in practice, and “socio-economics” where the former is a dependent sub-set of the latter, and the latter must, a priori, take Constitutional priority, and not the other way around as is the case today in the USA, and elsewhere, including Australia.
Therefore Home Ownership Rights should be dealt with accordingly, and Constitutionally, under Law and Justice. However, this Right, ie Home Ownership, by being allowed to become an essential and major part of the overlaying “economics” at play, a sub-set of a Constitutionally founded Republic, has brought Casus Belli to the Law of the Land, in order to meet the, a priori, mathematical requirements of those “economics” in play. As a direct result, in the USA, the whole Constitutionally framed socio-economic fundamental fabric has been torn asunder in order to give all available resources to the “economics” du jour, in the framework of privileged priority.
It is herein analogically described in biology terms, by state when the patients own organs and cells begin to feed endogenously and carnivorously, which may be identified in the preliminary diagnosis as merely the work of retroviruses, but it can be clearly seen, indubitably, that the condition is the well known disease known as cancer, and its accompanying not-so-early stage of ‘extremis’, which results in all moral and ethical restraints being breeched in the ongoing and final processes.
* Home Ownership as expressed here does not include speculation in housing in whatever form and which would be more correctly referred to as house ownership.
^ Advertising alone, directly and indirectly, pervasively expressed and funded in terms of many billions of dollars, has been associated with the sale of “Homes” has been the main socially ubiquitous driver of the now socially accepted paradigm of Home Ownership as a Right. (I have even heard people who prefer, or can only afford, to rent a house, being referred to as “renter scum” on public talk radio.
This is relevant.
“The banking industry is also a pollutant. Systemic risk is a noxious by-product. Banking
benefits those producing and consuming financial services – the private benefits for bank
employees, depositors, borrowers and investors. But it also risks endangering innocent
bystanders within the wider economy – the social costs to the general public from banking crises.” Andrew G Haldane Bank of England
http://www.bis.org/review/r100406d.pdf
I’m not sure how you calculated that but that would mean Steve’s graphs are wrong (which ‘could’ happen!)
A key part of improving the system to have better competition? Improve the flow of information in the process.
9 companies control what’s seen/heard/read in the States. This literally means that almost all of the presenters on these news outlets are pushing the board of director’s message. Even when they’re confronted with actual evidence of massive problems, they deny it’s there (and try to keep a straight face while doing it).
Why do they do it? Because they’re paid extrmely well. Because they’re under “so much pressure from management”. Yet, not one of them ever says that hang on a minute. Maybe I’m actually part of the problem as well?
Using Steve’s idea of more accountability in competition, that ended years ago in Stateside media. In the old Woodward and Bernstein days, there was a Fairness Doctrine. You actually had to be accountble and allow both sides to be heard. Then Clinton signed the Telecommunications DeRegulation Act which essentially ended that. It then became the media version of what happened with the banks.
Now, there is no free press. There is no actual debate anymore. Instead, in the business sector it’s everyone’s blissfully ignoring reality. If you have your own business and consistently distort information, you could risk losing a lot of your clients. Yet, at the top level, that doesn’t seem to apply. One reason is the unchecked money and power. The media corporations that have it. And the rich and powerful that use it to use the MSM. Either you play by our rules or we’ll cut you off.
To have more effective competition in the banking sector, you need to look at all aspects of the problem. But for some reason nobody’s willing to do that.
Doesnt make sense but this is what the RBA is saying.
http://www.rba.gov.au/statistics/frequency/fin-agg/2010/fin-agg-0910.html
What is your reading of that link to the ABS though? Is it saying “Over the year to September, total credit rose by 3.3 per cent.”.
If so GDP also increased by 3.3 percent.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/markets/gdp-growth-rate-fastest-in-three-years/story-e6frg926-1225912876243
But happy to be correct as there are a lot of figures in that link you provided.
Cheers!
Sorry – what’s your reading of the RBA link (not the ABS!)
Steve,
The empirical fact that banks expand the money supply first and that central banks come in later to back fill with a fiat currency is not contradictory to Austrian theory.
I hope that you understand that Austrian Economy Theory already contained the idea that the legalization of fractional reserve banking allows private firms (banks) to expand the money supply via an increase in credit generated by lowering reserve percents. They consider this a bad thing. So they have a problem with it whether or not there is a central bank. This occurs whether or not the money is commodity based or not, and it doesn’t require a central bank.
Their objection to the Fed (and central banks in general) because they allow the banks to coordinate their efforts at leverage. Thus with central banking the individual banks can leverage even further (seeking reserves from other banks when they have overextended themselves).
Central banks with a fiat currency compound this problem even further. Not only does it allow even more leverage (because the central bank can just print up more reserves), but the new base money will eventually cause the banks to continue their inflationary policies indefinately which is not possible without the fiat bank.
According to the Austrian model, as I understand it, without a fiat currency one would also find that empirically the private banking industry would be the initial source of monetary destruction. It’s failing banks and called in loans that lower the monetary base.
Not only would you find that this is the case but according to the Austrian model it would eventually have to occur, which I could explain but won’t for the sake of brevity. So that with increased productivity over time their would be a general deflation in prices on average, and it has nothing to do with what the central bank wants or doesn’t want to happen.
So you cannot use this particular fact to rule out Austrian theory against other theory such as Circuit Theory. The Austrians were right all along.
In the past I have gotten the impression that you were uninformed in this regard. Both Mises and Rothbard covered this in their economic models. I think the problem is that you are not reading the original source materials and are relying on others to explain things to you. I’ve found that even people who claim to lean or be Austrian tend to stress certain explanations which would lead to a misunderstanding of the theory.
The reason why the dollar has lost 93% of its value over the last century is because we have a fiat currency. Without a fiat currency we would have had a cycle of private banks creating money during the booms and then destroying currency during the busts of the business cycle.
Mr Keen
Well done you have not been influence by the massive herd in big debt.
Popular rhetoric of more competition and lower interest rates is just the weak masses in big undiscpline debt.
Cashflow is king and savers are the winners in the long term.
Abusing bank tellers and extreme bank bashing is not the answer, every individual must eventually go back to our grandparents wisdom buy stuff in cash and have very little debt.
Interesting article refering to competition within the banking industry
http://www.smh.com.au/business/gail-kelly-was-a-dud-and-other-mysteries-20101117-17wb4.html?comments=43#comments
Don’t fool yourself the press is no better in Europe or Australia. Look up Philippe Karsenty re. the Al Durrah Incident for an example. I don’t think the press is the major problem in the first place. Politicians and special interests are always going to funnel money to economists who tell them that government action (redistribution of wealth) is the solution because that way they get a piece of the pie being redistributed whether it is welfare, bailouts, or price controls that hyper-pad profit margins. The minute a economist starts telling them no is when he is not going to be able to find a job, or gets his funding reduced.