Debtwatch April 2007: Who’s having a housing crisis then?
on April 2nd, 2007 at 9:00 amWho’s having a housing crisis then?
Global economic attention has been focused on the sub-prime lending crisis in the United States recently, and many local analysts have made soothing noises to reassure Australians that “it couldn’t happen here”.
The USA’s sub-prime market is indeed a peculiarly American phenomenon; but the level of Australian household debt (the sum of mortgage debt and personal debt) is every bit as extreme as the USA’s. And contrary to popular opinion, our debt binge dwarfs America’s. As the chart below shows, Australia’s household debt to GDP ratio has been growing more than three times as rapidly as the USA’s since 1990. The ratio has grown at an average of just over 2% per annum in the USA; it has grown at over 6.8% per annum here.
As a result, while Australian households carried less than half the debt that Americans did in 1990 (21% versus 48% of GDP), now they are burdened by even more debt: 96% of GDP in early 2007, versus 94% in mid-2006 (the American data reporting cycle lags ours). Since Australian interest rates are higher than America’s, the debt burden on households is actually higher here. America has experienced a lending crisis because the quality of borrowers at the tail of the US credit system is lower than at the tail of ours. But the aggregate figures give absolutely no reason for Antipodean complacency.
We are also within reach of an Australian historical watershed: the increase in debt since 1990 has been so great that interest repayment now takes up more of GDP than at any time since mid-1990.
A one per cent rise in rates, or an 18 per cent rise in the debt to GDP ratio, would put us at the same repayment burden level that ushered in “the recession we had to have”.
Those two hypotheticals might both seem unlikely. But a half a per cent rise in rates is possible if the RBA persists in trying to “fight inflation” by raising interest rates; and on the most recent trend, the debt to GDP ratio will be ten per cent higher than today by the beginning of 2008. That combination would also take us to the same pain level as in 1990.
Should the RBA increase rates?
Especially after Dr Edey recent speech, there has been strong speculation that the RBA would increase rates soon, with the objective of “fine-tuning” the rate of inflation.
In these circumstances, raising interest rates to control inflation would simply accelerate an ailready unsustainable trend of debt accumulation–since one impact of a 1/4% rise in rates is to increase the rate of growth of debt.
The RBA’s economic models do not take the debt to GDP ratio into account (see RBA Research Discussion Papers 2005-11 and 2007-01). The level of private debt was also about the only economic statistic not mentioned by Dr Edey in his However, it is obvious that the impact of a rate rise is proportional to the level of debt–after all, this is why the RBA moves rates in 1/4% increments now, compared to the 1% steps it took in the 1980s–when the private debt ratio was less than a third of what it is now.
Given that debt amplifies the impact of a rate change, and that debt service ratios are already within reach of levels that have induced recessions in the past, the impact of the rate rise on the economy may be far more deflationary than the RBA’s modelling anticipates.
I therefore cannot concur with the RBA’s overall assessment that “in aggregate, the household sector is coping well with the higher levels of debt and interest servicing” and “Overall, the household sector remains in good financial shape” (RBA FInancial Stability Review 0307, pp. 16, 17). Given that debt servicing levels are approaching record levels, putting up rates now in order to control inflation could amount to “hitting the brakes wearing lead shoes”.
This is clearly what happened in 1990, when a very similar debt burden brought the economy quickly to its knees. Inflation dropped precipitously (along with everything else), from 8 per cent to virtually zero, and the RBA was forced to drop rates even more.
I have heard some market economists saying that an additional reason to put rates up now is that it might help discourage borrowing. This hope ignores the time lags that abound in our monetary economy–and a quick look at history would make that obvious. Rates peaked at 19.95% in 1990, and the economy rapidly fell into a recession–but the debt to GDP ratio continued to climb for another year.
The reason is simple: when you can’t afford to service your debts, they rise more rapidly because the missed payments are added to the debt. Putting rates up now would simply make that problem worse.
Sustaining the unsustainable
The debt to GDP ratio continues its seemingly inexorable rise, and is now at 152 per cent of GDP. The rate of growth is above the long term trend. If it continues, the ratio will reach 160 per cent of GDP by the beginning of 2008 (this is the level that applies in the USA now).
All private debt ratios rose last month. All except the business ratio are at historic highs, and with the business ratio now at 56.36%, won’t be long before it cracks the 1989 record of 56.39% of GDP.
America: Home of the Brave, Land of the Leveraged
The one way in which the USA is different from Australia is that every component of American society is in debt: not just households and businesses, but government as well. This may become an important distinction if a debt-deflation occurs: the USA will begin the process with substantial government debt, whereas the Australian government will start from a fiscally neutral position.
The aggregate level of debt in the USA, at over 320% of GDP, is staggering–especially since this does not factor in the “off-balance sheet” activities of the derivatives market.
I can’t do better as a commentary on this situation than to quote a recent editorial from the New York Times:
Investors who fail to take a hard look at the vulnerability of the American economy are courting tremendous risk. The fact that after years of profligacy the federal government is fiscally ill prepared to respond to a destabilizing downturn only increases those risks. New York Times “Unwary Investors” (March 24 2007).
In contrast, one positive side effect of the Australian obsession with eliminating the government debt is that our government is fiscally well prepared to respond to a private debt crisis, should one ultimately occur. Whether it is intellectually prepared is another matter altogether.
Steve Keen



“This would, theoretically, provide a disincentive to property speculation,”
How exactly? Currently the cost to investors is comprised mainly of:
interest payments on land
+
interest payments on house
+
property management, rates & insurance
-
rental income
-
tax deductions against regular income
The LVT proposal would simply replace the “interest payments on land†component with LVT. The only difference I can see is that the investor currently faces fairly fixed interest payments that are effectively reduced by inflation, whereas the LVT would rise in line with inflation.
In fact, such a scheme might provide a greater chasm between ownership and speculation, given investors would have rent to cover much of the LVT, and offset any other shortfall against income, whereas owners would bear the full cost of this ‘land rent’ which would undoubtedly be much higher than current municipal rates and would rise over time.
- Could we trust the government to offset this new LVT with a commensurate reduction in existing taxes? Nope.
- Could we trust the government not to use the added revenue to spend themselves into a hole from which they decide to extricate themselves by increasing LVT? Nope.
As a homeowner, the first thing I’d do under such a system is sell my house. The second would be to emigrate to a country that recognised the importance of full property rights (including land) and their relationship to national prosperity.
My main goal in home ownership is to have a place that is mine, and only mine. Where should I lose my job, I can rest assured I’ll not lose the roof over my head. If I had to pay ‘land rent’ levied against half the value of the property (or more, depending on land value), I would lose this security.
The current system works fine, except that it doesn’t prevent speculation from pushing prices up into bubbles. One very simple way to discourage speculative bubbles (more effectively than LVT I’d warrant) is to end or heavily restrict ‘equity borrowing’ or remortgaging at into larger loans. If houses could only be bought with a significant deposit – say 15% to 20% actual SAVINGS (not ‘equity’), the current irrational feedback loop would be broken.
I say irrational because as things stand, when a small proportion of the housing stock (normally ~5% per year) is sold at inflated prices, these inflated prices set the comparables by which all other houses can be remortgaged. A small amount of extra debt secured against a few overpriced houses becomes 20 times more available ‘equity’. If some of this is borrowed against and reinvested in housing, this puts further pressure on prices and quickly becomes an irrational feedback loop, then a bubble…
In response to the issues raised by Foundation:
Firstly it is more accurate to say that we have had a boom in land prices rather than house prices…
QUOTE (foundation): How exactly?
The disincentive for land speculation of LTV arises from the premise that “land value is the discounted present value of expected future after-tax rents”…so by reducing the expected future rents from the land, the exchange price will be reduced to a negligible amount (other than enough to provide a benchmark of relative land value (“site value”) and an incentive/compensation to move off the land in favour to allow more productive use). The price of the land could not increase because that would raise the rental and hence erode any perceived speculative gains.
Before you say that is an “expropriation” of private property you need to ask yourself whether the original “appropriation” of land value is just, leaving aside (if that’s possible) the emotional association of “a man’s house is his castle”. The right to exclusive access and use would remain….but as far as rights to land value….what has the landowner done to add value to the land ? (granted there may be some effect of beautification of dwellings etc on the streetscape, which may effect land values within the area, but even that is a collective endeavour) … the majority of land value arises from locational characteristics, access to services and facilities, absence of bad smells and noises etc, and general increases in income – for which the landholder can claim no credit…the impact of these or a change in these currently results in an “unearned windfall gain” to the landholder.
Also remember rights and profits from the value of the “improvements” (buildings etc) would remain, so there would still be incentives to property investment (for rental purposes), it is just that the land component (the site value) would be taken out of the equation (in deciding whether to invest).
QUOTE (foundation): “My main goal in home ownership is to have a place that is mine, and only mine. Where should I lose my job, I can rest assured I’ll not lose the roof over my head. If I had to pay ‘land rent’ levied against half the value of the property (or more, depending on land value), I would lose this security.”
If you loose your job now and can’t cover the mortgage, you’re going to loose your house anyway…with LTV once you have paid the mortgage on the house you would just have the LTV to pay….and once the speculative element (and “savings” incentive in land) is removed the total outlays (even with the mortgage on the house) would be less than what is being paid now. Without the speculative element of land investment people are unlikely to pay more than that the site is worth (the “site value”). The premise of “site value” is that the value of any particular site is predicated on the income stream possible from that site (or what people’s incomes can support in the case of residential sites)….so sites near rail stations (for example) have high volumes of foot traffic, so the shops on that site can sell more, so business incomes are greater, thus higher rents can be paid (above the component of the shop structure/building)…just as is the case now….only the site (value) rental currently goes to the landholder… who benefits from the public decision to ferry people past the site.
Any such a scheme would need to be introduced over a decade or more, and so it would need bipartisan support, so it is obviously not going to be introduced any time soon….but that is not my point. If the only objection to any proposition is “oh well…you will never convince people of that”, it is IMHO a weak objection. Also it is my view that such a measure would need to be combined with other policies (unfortunately no less radical than this one), but that is for another post (and possibly not here).
Clearly there are other issues here, and getting credit under control is probably more important, but I think our society’s attitude to the “right” of private capture of land value is at the heart of our unhealthy obsession with property.
“If you loose your job now and can’t cover the mortgage, you’re going to loose your house anyway…”
What mortgage?
I understand and am sympathetic to the philosophy behind LVT. I just wouldn’t be prepared to live with it. I also understand and and am sympathetic to some much broader socialist philosophy. I just wouldn’t be prepared to live with it!
“Clearly there are other issues here, and getting credit under control is probably more important, but I think our society’s attitude to the “right†of private capture of land value is at the heart of our unhealthy obsession with property.”
I think “society’s attitude” will change dramatically over the next few years, if the market is left to do it’s thing.
QUOTE (Foundation): “I just wouldn’t be prepared to live with it!”
Another good reason to introduce such a thing gradually (like over an adult lifetime)…to allow expectations and investment decisions to adjust….but I am interested…is that because you feel you would personally be worse off under such an arrangement or because you figure the practice is unlikely to be as good as the theory – like some other signficant left-ist (and lets face it right-ist) experiments of the past ?
QUOTE (Foundation): “What mortgage?”
Good for you….I suppose I have the benefit :/ of not having a mortgage either…but that is because I didn’t “get in” before the boom and am not foolish enough to try it on now….so that no doubt colours my view. But most people are only mortgage free (if they ever get free at all) for a short period before they die or move on to greyer pastures…but for sure the biggest barrier to introducing such a measure is intrenched interests…and of course our interests colour our perceptions (mine included), for example under current arrangements being a mortage-free owner-occupant and thus living “rent free” can be seen either as an entitlement or a public subsidy…
QUOTE (Foundation):”I think “society’s attitude†will change dramatically over the next few years, if the market is left to do it’s thing.”
Agreed….I think of a couple of other major challenges facing our society (climate change, peak oil, population aging…) that will require some significant attitudinal changes as well !!
Hi Steve,
Thanks for putting your thoughts on the web. It’s very interesting to an economic layperson. The mathematics of money seems to cause a lot of confusion. Certainly seems different from accounting for tangible things.
One conundrum I would be keen to hear your opinion on: Does having a trade deficit push up housing prices? At first blush you’d say “No! People are poorer, as the whole country is poorer, so they can’t afford as much.” But this is not what we are seeing at all, is it? We have a huge trade deficit and a housing bubble together.
Is it that the export debt must appear somewhere, and it appears in housing? So in order for trade deficits to continue, housing debt must keep increasing? As a corollary, does it mean that house prices must rise in order for it to be necessary to borrow more money to buy them? To make this higher borrowing possible, interest rates must fall. If this were the case, would reversing the balance of payments problem result in moderating house prices and increasing interest rates?
Supposing for the moment that my speculations above are correct, it would seem an unstable system is created, because a higher debt load leads to lower interest rates. For stability, you’d want higher debt to lead to increased interest rates in order to discourage further borrowing, thereby stabilising the system through limiting the debt carried.
Any corrections to my musings would be welcomed.
Best regards,
Dear Lord Kelvin (I think I’ll call you Kev, if that’s OK!),
There is a link there, but not quite the one you surmise. I must credit aone time fellow student and now semi-colleague of mine, Peter Switzer, for first suggesting this to me.
Conventional economics argues that the current account drives the capital account: that a deficit on the former (trade and income flows) causes a surplus on the other (with necessary adjustments in the country’s exchange rate).
The unconventional one, which I first heard Peter put in a discussion we were having during the “Banana Republic” days, was that borrowing provided the finance that enabled more imports to be purchased than exports; as long as the debt (or portfolio or actual investment) was forthcoming, the current account could be in the red.
This I think is the mechanism we’re suffering under (obviously Japan did not–it is possible for a truly productive country to have its real activities dominate its financial; unfortunately, we’re not that country).
So the causal mechanism is closer to the reverse of what you propose: rising housing prices driven by a speculative bubble encourage further borrowing, which finances both the house purchase and the buying of commodities to stuff into it. Given that we don’t produce those commodities ourselves–plasma TVs, computers, … –we buy them from overseas… and up goes the trade deficit.
Japan doesn’t have the “given that we don’t produce those” dilemma–hence its outcome is different.
I also believe that the reversal will take a different tack–with again finance in the driving seat. Once the lending spiggot gets turned off, there will be a positive feedback loop between reduced spending, economic output and, for a while, debt too–we’ll see that continue to rise relative to GDP. But that’s too complex an argument to go into at this time of the morning!
On that note, I’m speaking today at an event organised by the New Matilda policy offshoot the Centre for Policy Development. It’s part of the ALP Fringe Conference; I’ll put up a proper blog entry about it now.
Hmmm. Thanks Steve. Your line of reasoning makes sense. I was pushing on the string, as it were. Depends whether the driving force is our desire to consume, (and therefore borrow), or financiers’ desperation to get that bulging capital account out into the hands of borrowers and earning a return. The latter urge would tend to reduce interest rates.
Speaking of which, recently I seem to be getting an increasing number of offers of credit from financial institutions with which I do no business. They seem to know I exist, despite me never having dealt with them!
Your point about us not manufacturing very much is well made. That has upset me for many years. [It makes it hard for me to find work.] This is not something which seems to concern Australia’s governments of either stripe. Government and economic commentators seem quite chuffed with how things are going, trade and current account deficits no longer being of any concern. “Miracle economy” they say. Miracle we can get away with it.
Best regards,
In reply to Steve Keen, April 9th, 2007 at 8:13 am:
The Lorentzian curve is a little better fit than the Hubbert curve to many markets where price has been driven by debt.
Australian household debt to disposable income is a good example:
http://www.mediafire.com/imageview.php?quickkey=uqmx1nmnymz&thumb=6
Another clear example is the Shanghai stock exchange:
http://www.mediafire.com/imageview.php?quickkey=04nzgnkmewy&thumb=6
Case-Schiller USA house prices, an example of overlapping lorentzian curves:
http://www.mediafire.com/imageview.php?quickkey=d5dmmzddmy2&thumb=6
Perth Aus house price index is another:
http://www.mediafire.com/imageview.php?quickkey=zznauiiznzm&thumb=6
The R^2, the coefficient of determination, is high, (>0.99 in many cases).